Manual Lost Letters of Medieval Life. English Society, 1200-1250

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  1. Lost Letters of Medieval Life: English Society, 1200-1250
  2. A Selection from my library
  3. Lost Letters of Medieval Life | Martha Carlin, David Crouch
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However, only so much latitude was allowed. Other entries reveal the limitations of letter writing as against face-to-face communication and the importance of an interaction between the two modes. None of these matters, one assumes, could have been settled by letter alone. The letters are carefully edited throughout, with an English translation and lavish commentary.

Lost Letters of Medieval Life: English Society, 1200-1250

The commentary assumes no prior knowledge, ensuring maximum accessibility. Much of it is unassailable. The editors do, however, offer one especially contentious argument. Their argument requires more space, however, than is allotted here Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide. Forged from a partnership between a university press and a library, Project MUSE is a trusted part of the academic and scholarly community it serves.

Built on the Johns Hopkins University Campus. For more fascinating thirteenth-century form letters, check out the full book by Carlin and Crouch. Sign up to get a Weekly Email from Medievalists. Smartphone and Tablet users click here to sign up for our weekly email. Buy this book on Amazon. Previous Post Previous Post. Next Post Next Post.

Related Content. Edmund de Lacy. Edmund was born c. Since Add. Another early formulary occupies the first six folios of a manuscript in the Bodleian Library, Fairfax MS This formulary, like that in Add.

Originally, however, it was a small booklet of only six parchment leaves, written rather densely in one crabbed hand of the s or s, and containing sixty-two documents: a brief dictaminal treatise on forms of address, followed by some sixty-one model letters, both ecclesiastical and secular. The dictaminal treatise is decorated with an elaborate opening initial, and each of the sixty-one letters that follow has a simple opening initial in red.

A Selection from my library

On folios 1r—4r the top line of each page is also ornamented with elaborated ascenders, and an occasional wavy line in red ink is used to fill in blank lines at the end of some texts. The final folio fol. The pattern of soiling and wear on folios 1v and 6v indicate that the booklet was for some time in a simple parchment wrapper, and got worn and bent about, making it look very much like a working text.

This is an impression supported by several marginal annotations in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century hands. Nineteen of the one hundred documents in the present volume are taken from the formulary in Fairfax The texts of the formulary in Fairfax 27 seem to be contemporary with its handwriting. He is evidently Llywelyn the Great of Gwynedd d. The indications are therefore that this formulary was compiled in the years on either side of At some time in the fifteenth century the formulary was bound together with a number of fourteenth-century Latin and Anglo-Norman treatises to make a volume of 95 folios.

Lost Letters of Medieval Life | Martha Carlin, David Crouch

Internal evidence suggests that this volume may possibly have belonged to the Augustinian priory of Bolton in Craven, Yorkshire, and the formulary, too, may have belonged to the priory before its inclusion in the bound volume. None of the texts in Fairfax 27 overlaps with those in Add. The two formularies certainly resemble one another very much in their general character and mixture of model letters, including letters to and from lords, clerics, knights, county and manorial officers, husbands and wives, students, and neighbors.

Together, the documents in these formularies witness not only the developing legal, administrative, and record-keeping procedures of the period, but also, to an extraordinary degree, its social, economic, and political history. At least three other formularies have links to Add. This formulary may have been written in Oxford and dates from c.

Richardson noted that seventeen of the model texts in Walters MS. The remaining two formularies that are related to Article 5 in Add. As a result, their texts often provide different and sometimes better readings than can be found in Add. The letters and other documents discussed in this volume derive from the reign of John — and from the first half of the reign of Henry III — John, the youngest son of Henry II —89 and Eleanor of Aquitaine died , became king upon the death of his brother, Richard the Lionheart — His reign was dominated by continual attempts to recover his ancestral possessions in France, which finally ended with the defeat of his powerful ally and nephew, the Emperor Otto IV, at Bouvines in Other problems were caused by John himself.

His personality was an unpleasant one: he trusted no-one and did not inspire confidence in his barons; he was obsessive about accumulating money and not too particular about how he did it. John was not a bloody tyrant; the murders ascribed to him his nephew Arthur in and that of the Briouze family in can plausibly be explained away as the results of a jail break or jail fever. He was, however, unable to control his barons, and eventually they turned on him with an agenda for reform.

Enshrined in Magna Carta , this agenda had a long political life, and its concerns liberally populate the letter collections of the s and s. He became king at the age of nine upon the death of his father, King John. Until , Henry was a minor in tutelage to a variety of guardians, though he emerges as a power in his own right after The rule of England was initially in the hands of Earl William Marshal of Pembroke, described as protector or regent, until his resignation just before his death in May Effective power then passed into the hands of Hubert de Burgh, who had served as chamberlain and justiciar chief minister of King John.

Hubert himself fell from power as a result of a conspiracy of the des Roches party in This was complicated by the rising military power of the princely house of Gwynedd in Wales, which under Llywelyn ab Iorwerth c. Documents 30—33 concern the military vulnerability of the Welsh Marches and the turbulence of the Welsh. The imposition of Magna Carta by the barons on King John in , and then on the young King Henry, inaugurated a period in which an articulate and powerful aristocracy united to pursue its own agenda for good government against the king.

DOCUMENTS 37 and 38 echo the perpetual concern of the barons and knights of England that the liberties recognized in Magna Carta should be respected, and their fear that the king wished to undermine them. The barons delicately suggested that the root of the problem was the bad advice the king was getting from the justiciar, Hubert de Burgh.

This confrontation was settled by compromise, but the Marshal rebellion of —34 showed quite how far things could go. The king had to go to the aristocracy to seek consent, and there was a long debate before the aid was granted echoed in Documents 34— The higher aristocracy had lost its lands in Normandy, and the new generation was less than keen to fund expensive campaigns to regain them.

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However, Henry III made several attempts to recover Poitou, and armies and fleets were summoned to mount attacks in France see Documents 24, 25, 26, and The magnates were the ultimate source of troops. They were ordered to report to ports for embarkation with their retinues to meet their feudal obligations. Higher studies at the schools of the town of Oxford can be traced back to masters teaching there in the first half of the twelfth century, but until the s there was nothing much to distinguish Oxford from other towns with such schools, such as Northampton.

The town had by then a substantial clerical population, with a major collegiate church St. George within the castle, two large monasteries St. The prominent cleric, Gerald of Wales, gave a public reading of his Topography of Ireland to the masters of the Oxford schools in the late s, and by his own account they were present in some numbers, even if none was eminent enough for Gerald to name. It is in this decade that we begin to learn also of the masters who were leading these schools, and all the ones known are identifiable as canonists.

Around the schools of Oxford began to diversify rapidly away from law. In part this was due to a period of hostilities between the kings of England and France, which may have made the study of theology and other subjects in the greater and more famous schools of Paris difficult for English students.


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The teaching of theology had already begun at Oxford by the mids, when the influential and well-connected scholar Alexander Neckam was running a school there. His contemporary in the town was Edmund Rich, who taught the liberal arts before turning to theology, and who seems to have made quite an impact on his fellow masters in Oxford.

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In this was compounded by a dispute between the masters and the civic authorities of Oxford, who had arrested and hanged for complicity two students who had shared a house with another who had murdered his mistress. The masters left Oxford in a body, and the dispute between them and the town was pursued in the papal curia, which in produced a settlement before the papal legate in England, Guala Bicchieri. This document established the immunities of the schools in the town, and made it once more attractive to masters.

The settlement instituted a chancellor, appointed by the diocesan bishop, to preside over the students of all the schools and to conduct relations with the town. With that act the foundation of a corporate university of masters and scholars was laid. Rather, they were handbooks designed to assist students taking a business course at private schools, where they studied dictamen the art of letter-writing and learned to cast accounts.